Nonprofit kezikonyv 2018


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MAGYARÁZAT:Nonprofit kezikonyv 2018

Ensure productivity and security for your employees and volunteers during these challenging times. Securely run and grow your nonprofit with an integrated solution purpose built for small and midsized organizations. Empower staff and volunteers to succeed with the dynamic set of tools included in our nonprofit plans.

Provide team members with free email and online document editing and storage. And with video conferencing, instant messaging, and your own Yammer site, you can bring teams together from around the world. Deliver a best-in-class cloud productivity experience to help staff and volunteers work together in exciting new ways. Access your board reports and grant applications anywhere, anytime, with online storage and remote file sharing. Get the flexibility to work in online versions of the familiar apps or purchase a plan that includes the latest versions to install across PCs, Macs, and mobile devices.

Protecting sensitive data is imperative for the protection of your staff and programs—and for the success of your organization. Compromised data, and cyberattacks can put beneficiaries at risk, disrupt operations, and expose your organization to liability. No need to worry about security on mobile devices either.

Microsoft offers donated and discounted products for eligible nonprofit organizations, including cloud services like OfficeAzure and DynamicsSurface hardware, and on-premises software. Local Microsoft offices also regularly hold training events to help nonprofits better use technology and learn how technology can deepen the impact of their organizations.

Please note that not every program may be available in every country. First, review our eligibility guidelines and then get started by applying for a product donation or discount. A customer that has become eligible for Office Nonprofit offers can purchase both commercial and nonprofit offers going forward. Microsoft encourages you to work with a partner in your country whose mission is to serve other nonprofits in building organization and technology capacity, such as nonprofit partners TechSoup and Tech Impact.

Nonprofit and nongovernmental organizations must:. Please visit the eligibility page for more details. We strive to make eligibility determinations as quickly as possible, and the process can take up to 20 business days. This timeframe can vary depending on nonprofit responsiveness to requests for additional documentation and country requirements.

Nonprofit donations are permitted only for paid nonprofit employees, and unpaid executive staff who act as leadership for the nonprofit. Nonprofit discounts are permitted for all nonprofit staff and volunteers. Nonprofit beneficiaries, members and donors are NOT eligible for nonprofit licenses and subscriptions. Translate to English. Productivity solutions for Nonprofits Ensure productivity and security for your employees and volunteers during these challenging times.

See plans and pricing. Find out if your organization qualifies. Get Microsoft Business Premium free Securely run and grow your nonprofit with an integrated solution purpose built for small and midsized organizations. Learn more. Expand all Collapse all. How can Microsoft help my organization?

How do I apply for the Microsoft nonprofit programs available to my organization? How do I get help installing and using my Microsoft software? What are the eligibility requirements for the Microsoft nonprofit programs? Nonprofit and nongovernmental organizations must: Hold recognized legal charitable status as defined in their countries Operate on a not-for-profit basis Have a mission to benefit the broader community Attest to Microsoft's anti-discrimination policy Only assign licenses to eligible staff Please visit the eligibility page for more details.

How long does it take to receive eligibility validation? Which persons affiliated with the nonprofit organization are eligible to receive donated or discounted user licenses?

Some nonprofit organizations are shockingly bad actors, while others do laudable work. But they all have some fundamental limitations in common, explains Erica West. WE ARE constantly confronted by the problems of modern society: homelessness, violence, underfunded schools, environmental pollution, and the list goes on. Many people who want to address these urgent issues figure that working at a nonprofit or nongovernmental organization is a great way to make a difference, and get paid for doing it.

And it seems like the number of jobs available at nonprofits keeps growing. As politicians hack away at government programs, social service agencies and other safety-net programs that provide crucial supports for poor and working-class people, service nonprofits often fill the gaps. So what are the limits of nonprofits in the fight against injustice in the here and now, and against capitalism in the long term?

For folks who have worked at nonprofits, one of the most obvious problems is the professionalization of nonprofit work, including the growing numbers of people seeking advanced degrees in nonprofit management — which seeks to bring corporate management techniques to the world of nonprofits. Nonprofits may be required to have employees with certain advanced degrees in order to bill for services and receive funding from programs, such as Medi-Cal in California or the federal Medicaid health care program.

This professionalization creates stratification between nonprofit employees and the clients they serve, as well as among those with and without such degrees within a nonprofit. One consequence of this dynamic is that the people who are clients of service nonprofits are practically locked out of jobs at these organizations — which is a shame because the people who experience the problems are the ones who should be crafting the solutions. Service nonprofits — and the related programs and institutions that support them — also have an ideological purpose.

Don Lash writes about the relevance of the idea of the Italian revolutionary Antonio Gramsci to the child welfare system in his book When the Welfare People Come. His analysis applies to service nonprofits as well. When employees of service nonprofits are mandated reporters — for example, when they are required to make a report to child protective services when child abuse or neglect is suspected — they are enlisted as agents of the coercive function of the state.

Some professionals are mandated reporters through the licensure process, but others, such as administrative assistants, may be required to be mandated reporters because a grant says so. Lash goes into great detail as to why the child welfare system is oppressive, deeply racist and not capable of productively transforming the lives of families under its control. Thus, the label of a mandated reporter can turn an entire profession or an entire workplace into a place to surveil and punish poor families, which are almost exclusively Black and Latino.

For example, a drug rehab facility may permit only adults without children to access its services. Perhaps their grant requires this, and so there is little that workers on the ground can do. If a man staying there brings his daughter, he may be asked to leave, in effect making the family homeless. If he refuses, the cops might be called. Nonprofits — through the services they provide and the media and other campaigns they design — explicitly and implicitly reinforce and perpetuate certain ideas.

The existence of homeless shelters and the various networks that interact with and depend on these shelters reinforce the idea that shelters are the appropriate solution to homelessness — as opposed to, say, homeless people organizing themselves, or transforming an economic system that produces far more empty homes than there are homeless people to fill them.

By framing the solutions to problems in a particular way, nonprofits also implicitly frame where these problems come from in the first place. When the solution to homelessness is individualized — beds for each person, often given on a day-by-day basis — the logical conclusion is that the cause of the problem is also individual. This ideology is necessary to justify the use of coercion and force, if and when it is used.

Finally, nonprofits also reinforce an ideology about the most appropriate way to bring about change — namely, working for a nonprofit. And who benefits when good-willed people committed to social justice get drawn into a system that they depend on for their livelihood and that incentivizes not rocking the boat? The people who stand to lose the most when powerful social movements rock the boat — in other words, corporations and the wealthy. And often the organizations perpetuating these ideas, writing the curricula for schools and hosting trainings are themselves nonprofits.

Every worker has the power to withhold their labor, and when coordinated with co-workers, the collective withholding of labor halts the work of any factory, school or enterprise. If you work at a nonprofit, you may be a therapist or a fundraiser or an administrative assistant — but you are also a worker.

Nonprofit workers will have experiences similar to most other workers — they get paid too little, while the boss gets paid way too much. And when workers try to fight back, even at nonprofits, they face the same hostility from bosses that they would at any other workplace. At the Whittier Street Health Center in Boston, workers were seeking to unionize in order to address chronic understaffing and underpayment of wages.

Just six days before the June 20 vote to unionize, the clinic went on the offensive, firing 20 workers. Coincidentally, many of those who were fired were publicly in support of the union. The next day, workers protested outside the clinic, and the day after that, the workers had their jobs back. All of this happened before the union vote, and once the vote took place, workers voted overwhelmingly to join SEIU United Healthcare Workers East.

So why do it? Because under capitalism, there is a fundamental tension between bosses and workers. Unionizing is important for nonprofit workers for a few reasons. Secondly, unions, unlike nonprofits, are membership organizations that give people the opportunity to fight on their own behalf. No union is perfect, but unions give workers a voice in how their workplaces are run, and you are able to have more of a say in how your union is run than a nonunionized workplace.

If you want more of a say in how your nonprofit workplace is run, unions provide a vehicle for accomplishing that type of democratic change. Not all nonprofits fit the image of a horrible, union-busting organization. There are many nonprofits that participate in movement activism, and that socialists may find many points of agreement with.

Interrupting politicians, demanding amnesty for all immigrants, highlighting the complicity of both political parties in terrorizing immigrant communities — these are strategies that any social-justice activist would agree with. CIYJA does admirable work. The point is that not all nonprofits do bad things, but they do all share certain limitations. Nonprofits address the symptoms of a broken system — racist, anti-immigrant policies; lack of access to health care, housing or emotional support — but they do not have a strategy for addressing the underlying disease, namely capitalism.

When temporary shelter becomes a substitute for permanent housing, emergency food a substitute for a decent job, tutoring a substitute for adequate public schools, and free clinics a substitute for universal health care, we have shifted our attention from the redistribution of wealth to the temporary provision of social services to keep people alive.

Is that all we can hope for — keeping people alive? As socialists, we know that society has enough wealth and sufficient technical means to do much more than simply keep people alive. But our aim is to fight for a socialist society that puts people before profits — that puts the working class in control of the factories and offices, and in control of the products of their own labor.

Even organizations that do good work and attempt to be accountable face a limitation: They are only addressing the symptomsnot the cause. Not-for-profit hospitals are actually for-profit hospitals, according to the new documentary Do No Harm. The Poverty of Privacy Rights shows how poor and working-class women are subject to more surveillance and restrictions on privacy.

The idea of a Universal Basic Income might seem progressive, but plenty of supporters see it as a vehicle for a reactionary agenda. Bernie Sanders' mass popularity has revived interest in socialism, but it also raises a question for the left: What does socialism mean to us? Behind the horrifying facts about a gang rape in an Ohio town lies the reality that rape is widespread today--and society's institutions are responsible.

Union members are mobilizing to protest the Janus case before the U. Supreme Court. SW asked three of our contributors about the stakes for labor. Colin Kaepernick's act of protest by taking a knee during the national anthem set off an earthquake--and the reverberations are still being felt. Material on this Web site is licensed by SocialistWorker.

Readers are welcome to share and use material belonging to this site for non-commercial purposes, as long as they are attributed to the author and SocialistWorker. X Close. Search Search. Erica West. October 11, Some nonprofit organizations are shockingly bad actors, while others do laudable work. Further reading Leela Yellesetty.

Further Reading Leela Yellesetty. From the archives Danny Katch. Previously published by the International Socialist Organization.